By framing the epic in this way, Pujol seeks to emphasize the perfect order of the historical events related in the narratio. Paradoxically, although he begins with this long and fabulous introduction, the rest of the work has no fabulous digressions at all. Next, I draw my attention to Pujol's framing of Lepant with an extensive narrative in which the narrator travels to Mount Parnassus and the House of Fame.
This framing places the reader in the position of questioning the roles of the Muslim Other, on the one hand, and Deza, on the other.
Departing from a pivotal poem at the end of the first section directed to Latino's patron Pedro de Deza, I argue that the epic is the representation of an imaginary judicial case within the context of the festivities in post-civil war Granada. I begin my analysis of the poetics of framing in the epics of Lepanto with Latino's Austrias Carmen, which is framed by other texts in a volume of poetry. Chapter one explores how frame narratives are crucial for the interpretation of each of the epics. Only four of the eight epics were published, two of which appeared outside Castile (Lisbon and Barcelona). The other poets are two Portuguese noblemen (Jerónimo Corte-Real, Pedro de Acosta), a teacher of Latin Grammar and Rhetoric in Guatemala City (Francisco de Pedrosa) and a soldier-jurist of Cordoba who participated in the battle in the galley of the young general (Juan Rufo). The three earliest examples are written by a former black slave in Granada (Juan Latino), a Catalan priest born in a local town near Barcelona (Joan Pujol), and a soldier who participated in the naval battle and returned injured to Burgos (Pedro Manrique). The geographical, social and linguistic diversity of their profiles attests to the great attraction that both the battle of Lepanto and the epic genre held for subjects of Renaissance Iberia. The main corpus consists of eight epics composed by seven different authors.
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This dissertation examines the use of fictions in a series of epic poems dealing with the battle of Lepanto (7 October 1571). By doing this, Ercilla seems to be subtly distancing himself from the political project of his own monarch. Thus, within the frame of the third book of the Araucana–the most pessimistic about the Spanish project and the one which alternates American and European episodes the most- the implicit alliance suggested between Dido and Philip II´s European enemies, highlights the fragility of the Habsburg domination both in the American and Mediterranean fronts. Cyprus, Tunis and North Africa locate this new empire –based on virtue, justice and the rejection of greed- in territories under Muslim control, recently taken from Christian hands. The geography underlying this episode through Dido´s journey, and especially the place in which a virtuous alternative imperial model is located (Carthage that is, Tunis), covers a territory problematically related to contemporary Spanish conflicts in Europe. Moreover, she argues that through the figure of Dido Ercilla not only assimilates Dido to the Araucanians, as it has already been noticed, but also to the “infidels” in the Mediterranean world: the Arabs and the Ottomans. Recalled in America but referring to the Mediterranean context, Galperin claims that this episode should be read together with other metropolitan digressions within the poem equally critical of the Spanish empire such as the visions of Bellona and Fitón, which bring to the text the battles of Saint Quentin and Lepanto. This paper examines the episode of Dido in Ercilla´s La Araucana.
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